شكرا لليبيا

تحية وشكر وتقدير للمواقف الشجاعة والجريئة

لأن العدل يستوجب أن يرد الحق لأهله، ولأن من حق من يقف مواقف الشجاعة والجرأة علينا أن نحييه ونشد من عزمه، خاصة أن الموضوع والموقف يخص فلسطين التي تعيش في قلب كل عربي، ولأن هذه المواقف باتت كالعملة النادرة وسط أجواء الصمت المريب لما يحدث في غزة، إن لم نسمها أجواء التآمر والمشاركة في الاعدام الجماعي لمليون ونصف مليون فلسطيني في قطاع غزة، من أجل كل ذلك وجبت التحية والتقدير للموقف الليبي الشجاع في مجلس الأمن التابع للأمم المتحدة.

استطاع المندوب الليبي في مجلس الأمن وللمرة الثانية قبل يومين، وبتوجيهات ودعم رسمي مباشر، من تعطيل اصدار قرار يلوم الضحية، ويتباكى على المجرم، ويبرر القتل والوحشية العنصرية للاحتلال، ويتجاوز عن معاناة الشعب الفلسطيني، وبشكل اثار حفيظة مندوبي الدول التي طالما طالبت بالتوازن المزعوم عندما يتعلق الأمر بجرائم الاحتلال لتعرقل اصدار قرارات الادانة ضد جرائمه.

إبراهيم الدباشي القائم بأعمال السفير الليبي في الأمم المتحدة شبّه الأربعاء 23/04/2008 في جلسة مغلقة لمجلس الأمن الدولي حول الشرق الأوسط،، شبّه الوضع في غزة بما حصل في معسكرات الاعتقال النازية، مما دفع عندها سفراء فرنسا والولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا وبلجيكا وإيطاليا وكرواتيا وكوستاريكا إلى مغادرة قاعة الإجتماعات تعبيراًعن احتجاجهم، وكالوا كلمات الادانة والتنديد للموقف الليبي الذي طالب ببساطة التوازن في البيان، وهو ما رفضته تلك الدول وبحسب مندوبة بريطانيا كارين بيرس التي اعتبرت أن الربط غير منطقي!

السفير الأمريكي أليخاندرو وولف ذهب لأبعد من ذلك ليقول بأن التصريحات "أبرزت درجة من الجهل التاريخي وعدم المراعاة الاخلاقية وهي واحدة من الاسباب الكثيرة التي جعلت المجلس غير قادر على التحرك في قضايا الشرق الاوسط والتي تجعل عملية السلام في الشرق الاوسط بهذه الصعوبة."ن أما جرائم الاحتلال فربما هي قمة الأخلاق في نظره!

الجميل أن إبراهيم الدباشي نائب مندوب ليبيا الدائم لدى الامم المتحدة قال للصحفيين في اليوم التالي أي الخميس 24/04/2008 "الامر يتجاوز ما حدث في معسكرات الاعتقال...هناك قصف.. قصف يومي (من قبل اسرائيل) ...في غزة. هذا لم يحدث في معسكرات الاعتقال." وأضاف الدباشي وهو بدرجة سفير "الامر أسوأ من ذلك."، اي أنه لم يتراجع بل أصر وزاد، وهنا كان الموقف الشجاع الجريء.

هذا الموقف أطار عقل مندوب الاحتلال في الأمم المتحدة دان جيلرمان الذي قال متباكياً على قرارات الأمم المتحدة التي لا يوجد أكثر منهم خرقاً لها في لقاء مع الصحفيين اثناء غداء استضافته منظمة مشروع "اسرائيل" الاهلية "ان السماح بدخول ليبيا مجلس الامن كان خطأ تسبب في شلل الجهاز الرئيسي في الامم المتحدة المسؤول عن حفظ السلام والامن الدوليين، وقال "جعلت ليبيا من المستحيل تماما التوصل الى اي نوع... من البيانات بشأن الوضع في الشرق الاوسط."

الموقف المتكرر لهذه الدول وغيرها حرّك حتى الصحف التي كانت وقبل اسابيع فليلة تشن حملة ضد قيادة قطاع غزة، فخرجت الأهرام القاهرية اليوم في افتتاحيتها لتقول:

" لايمكن وصف انسحاب سفراء الدول الغربية لدي الأمم المتحدة من جلسة لمجلس الأمن أمس الأول، اعتراضا علي وصف المندوب الليبي محنة الفلسطينيين بأنها هولوكوست، إلا بأنها أشبه بمسرحية اعتاد الغرب علي أدائها من حين لآخر، عندما يتعلق الأمر بانتقاد إسرائيل في المحافل الدولية‏.‏
وتمارس الدول الغربية، وفي مقدمتها الولايات المتحدة وفرنسا وبريطانيا، من خلال هذه المسرحية نفاقا لا مثيل له، إذ إنها ترفض بشكل مطلق توجيه مثل هذه الأوصاف إلي إسرائيل، في الوقت الذي لا تحرك فيه ساكنا عندما تمارس تل أبيب اعتداءاتها الوحشية علي الفلسطينيين، وأقصي ما يمكن أن يصدر عن هذه الدول هو مطالبة إسرائيل بضبط النفس، أي أنها توافق علي العدوان ضمنا لكنها تتحفظ علي الدرجة فقط‏.‏
وتنسي هذه الدول أن الوصف الذي أطلقه المندوب الليبي في مجلس الأمن لم يكن من بنات أفكاره بل هو مجرد تسمية للأشياء بمسمياتها الحقيقية، خصوصا أن نائب وزير الدفاع الإسرائيلي ماتاي فيلنان قال قبل أسابيع إن إسرائيل ستحول غزة إلي هولوكوست، ردا علي إطلاق الصواريخ علي بلدات إسرائيلية‏.‏
وللأسف الشديد، فإن ألفاظا مثل الهولوكوست والمحرقة والممارسات العنصرية أصبح محظورا استخدامها ضد ممارسات إسرائيل اليومية في الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة، بينما لا يتورع المسئولون الغربيون وكذلك وسائل الإعلام في إطلاق أوصاف مثل الإرهابيين والمتطرفين علي أي عمليات عسكرية سواء كانت مقاومة ودفاعا عن النفس أم كانت إرهابا‏.‏

ثم إن مثل هذا الاصطفاف الغربي، الدائم وراء سياسات وأعمال إسرائيل دون مناقشة جدية لهذه السياسات من شأنه أنه يفضح ما تبقي من مصداقية غربية تدعي العمل من أجل احترام حقوق الإنسان ومواجهة شتي أنواع التمييز ضد البشر‏."

الموقف الليبي كان هو الموقف الثاني الشجاع والجريء، حيث سبق وأن اتخذ الدباشي موقفاً مماثلاً في يوم الخميس 06/03/2008، والتفاصيل تقول:

في وقت لم تصدر أي إدانة ضد الاحتلال في عدوانه على قطاع غزة .. استنكرت معظم الدول الغربية عملية القدس ..
وتراوح وصف العملية بين "الوحشي" و "" الدنيء و"الإرهابي" و "المروع" و "المثير للصدمة" و "غير المبرر" و "التخريبي" و "البربري" و "المخيف" و "الجبان"!
وندد بها كل من الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة بان كي مونوالولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا وروسيا وفرنسا وألمانيا والاتحاد الأوروبي والمفوضيةالأوروبية وكندا واليابان وتركيا واليونان. وأعرب كل هؤلاء عن تضامنهم مع إسرائيل وتمنوا ألا تؤثر في عملية السلام .. واجتمع مجلس الأمن بمجرد حدوثها من أجل إصدار بيان يدين تلك العملية ..
وقال مشروع البيان "يدين أعضاء مجلس الأمن بأقوى العبارات الممكنة الهجوم الإرهابي الذي وقع في القدس في 6 آذار 2008 والذي أسفر عن وفاة وجرح عشرات من المدنيين الإسرائيليين."

وكان الوفد الأميركي يأمل أن يوافق المجلس المؤلف من 15 عضوا على المشروع بالإجماع إلا أن ليبيا يساندها بضعة أعضاء آخرين بالمجلس حالوا دون تبني هذا القرار.. وذكرت البعثة الليبية أنها تريد أن يناقش خلال الجلسة نفسها مشروع القرار الذي تقدمت به سابقا ويدين بشدة إسرائيل "لقتلها مدنيين أبرياء بما فيهم أطفال" في قطاع غزة .. وذلك حتى يتضمن البيان إدانة للهجمات الإسرائيلية الأخيرة في قطاع غزة والتي أودت بحياة أكثر من 120 فلسطينيا معظمهم من المدنيين.

الخلاصة هي فشل مجلس الامن الدولي في التوصل الى اتفاق لادانة هجوم و تبادلت" اسرائيل" وليبيا الاتهامات بالارهاب. وقال السفير الاميركي في الامم المتحدة زلماي خليل زاد للصحافيين بعد اجتماع طارىء للمجلس "لم نتمكن من التوصل الى اتفاق لان الوفد الليبي وبدعم من بعثتين اخريين لم يرغب في ادانة الهجوم بحد ذاته".

واوضح خليل زاد ان الوفد الاميركي سعى للتوصل الى اجماع حول اعلان يدين "باشد العبارات" هجوم القدس لكن ليبيا الدولة العربية الوحيدة العضو في مجلس الامن حاليا وحليفتيها "ارادت ربطه بمسائل اخرى".

وكانت البعثة الليبية ذكرت انها تريد ان يناقش خلال الجلسة نفسها مشروع القرار الذي تقدمت به ويدين بشدة اسرائيل "لقتلها مدنيين ابرياء بما فيهم اطفال" في قطاع غزة. وقال خليل زاد "نعتقد ان قضية الارهاب قضية منفصلة وما حدث اليوم (هجوم القدس) هجوم ارهابي واضح". وقتل ثمانية طلاب وجرح تسعة آخرون عندما تمكن فلسطيني من القدس الشرقية من التسلل الى مدرسة تلمودية في القدس الغربية واطلاق النار في داخلها، حسبما ذكرت شرطة الاحتلال.

وفي رد غاضب على المأزق الذي وصل اليه مجلس الامن، انتقد سفير الاحتلال في الامم المتحدة دان غيلرمان ليبيا بشدة ووصفها بانها "دولة ارهابية" تسببت "بلوكربي"، الاعتداء على طائرة مدنية الذي اوقع 270 قتيلا في 1988 فوق البلدة الاسكتلندية.

وقال غيلرمان ان "هذا ما يحدث مع الاسف عندما يخترق ارهابيون مجلس الامن". واضاف ان ذلك "يثير تساؤلات ليس فقط حول شرعية وجود دولة كهذه في مجلس الامن بل حول عضويتها في الامم المتحدة".

ورد نائب رئيس البعثة الليبية في الامم المتحدة ابراهيم الدباشي قائلا "لسنا بحاجة الى شهادة حسن سلوك من النظام الارهابي الاسرائيلي او ممثليه هنا". واوضح ان اربعا او خمسا من الدول الاعضاء بما فيها ليبيا تصر على "تحرك متوازن يدين القتل في غزة والقتل في القدس".

كما سبق وأن اعترضت ليبيا سابقاً على استخدام كلمة "الإرهاب" لوصف الهجمات الصاروخية الفلسطينية على إسرائيل في مشروع بيان للمجلس يعرب عن القلق بشان العنف في غزة.

كل التحية والتقدير لهذه المواقف التي تثبت أن الارادة ان وجدت تستطيع أن تثبت بعض الحقوق، وأن تقف في وجه التفرد الذي ساد في السنوات الأخيرة.

بكل وضوح وصراحة ودون تملق نقول: شكراً للموقف الليبي ، وتحية لشجاعة وجرأة الوفد الليبي في مجلس الأمن، وكل الاحترام والتقدير لهذه الأصالة والايمان بحق شعبنا وقضيتنا التي هي قضية العرب والمسلمين جميعاً.


د.إبراهيم حمّامي DrHamami@Hotmail.com

Are we human enough

watch this video , but to the end , his heels are not supposed to touch where he stands,other wise hw will be punished , and this is what will happen , this is a sample of the west democracy and civilization ,
http://www.unsubscribe-me.org/waitingfortheguards.php?

it isa all against muslims and Islam

From an Israeli mouth

Our reign of terror, by the Israeli army
Posted: 19 Apr 2008 02:04 PM CDT
In shocking testimonies that reveal abductions, beatings and torture, Israeli soldiers confess the horror they have visited on Hebron.
By Donald Macintyre in JerusalemSaturday, 19 April 2008
The dark-haired 22-year-old in black T-shirt, blue jeans and red Crocs is understandably hesitant as he sits at a picnic table in the incongruous setting of a beauty spot somewhere in Israel. We know his name and if we used it he would face a criminal investigation and a probable prison sentence.
The birds are singing as he describes in detail some of what he did and saw others do as an enlisted soldier in Hebron. And they are certainly criminal: the incidents in which Palestinian vehicles are stopped for no good reason, the windows smashed and the occupants beaten up for talking back - for saying, for example, they are on the way to hospital; the theft of tobacco from a Palestinian shopkeeper who is then beaten “to a pulp” when he complains; the throwing of stun grenades through the windows of mosques as people prayed. And worse.
The young man left the army only at the end of last year, and his decision to speak is part of a concerted effort to expose the moral price paid by young Israeli conscripts in what is probably the most problematic posting there is in the occupied territories. Not least because Hebron is the only Palestinian city whose centre is directly controlled by the military, 24/7, to protect the notably hardline Jewish settlers there. He says firmly that he now regrets what repeatedly took place during his tour of duty.
But his frequent, if nervous, grins and giggles occasionally show just a hint of the bravado he might have displayed if boasting of his exploits to his mates in a bar. Repeatedly he turns to the older former soldier who has persuaded him to speak to us, and says as if seeking reassurance: “You know how it is in Hebron.”
The older ex-soldier is Yehuda Shaul, who does indeed “know how it is in Hebron”, having served in the city in a combat unit at the peak of the intifada, and is a founder of Shovrim Shtika, or Breaking the Silence, which will publish tomorrow the disturbing testimonies of 39 Israelis - including this young man - who served in the army in Hebron between 2005 and 2007. They cover a range of experiences, from anger and powerlessness in the face of often violent abuse of Arabs by hardline Jewish settlers, through petty harassment by soldiers, to soldiers beating up Palestinian residents without provocation, looting homes and shops, and opening fire on unarmed demonstrators.
The maltreatment of civilians under occupation is common to many armies in the world - including Britain’s, from Northern Ireland to Iraq.
But, paradoxically, few if any countries apart from Israel have an NGO like Breaking the Silence, which seeks - through the experiences of the soldiers themselves - as its website puts it “to force Israeli society to address the reality which it created” in the occupied territories.
The Israeli public was given an unflattering glimpse of military life in Hebron this year when a young lieutenant in the Kfir Brigade called Yaakov Gigi was given a 15-month jail sentence for taking five soldiers with him to hijack a Palestinian taxi, conduct what the Israeli media called a “rampage” in which one of the soldiers shot and wounded a Palestinian civilian who just happened to be in the wrong place, and then tried to lie his way out of it.
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From an Israeli mouth

The Restrictions Remain
Life Under Prohibition in Palestine
By AMIRA HASS
All the promises to relax restrictions in the West Bank have obscured the true picture. A few roadblocks have been removed, but the following prohibitions have remained in place. (This information was gathered by Haaretz, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and Machsom Watch)
Standing prohibitions
* Palestinians from the Gaza Strip are forbidden to stay in the West Bank.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter East Jerusalem.
* West Bank Palestinians are forbidden to enter the Gaza Strip through the Erez crossing.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter the Jordan Valley.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter villages, lands, towns and neighborhoods along the "seam line" between the separation fence and the Green Line (some 10 percent of the West Bank).
* Palestinians who are not residents of the villages Beit Furik and Beit Dajan in the Nablus area, and Ramadin, south of Hebron, are forbidden entry.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter the settlements' area (even if their lands are inside the settlements' built area).
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter Nablus in a vehicle.
* Palestinian residents of Jerusalem are forbidden to enter area A (Palestinian towns in the West Bank).
* Gaza Strip residents are forbidden to enter the West Bank via the Allenby crossing.
* Palestinians are forbidden to travel abroad via Ben-Gurion Airport.
* Children under age 16 are forbidden to leave Nablus without an original birth certificate and parental escort.
* Palestinians with permits to enter Israel are forbidden to enter through the crossings used by Israelis and tourists.
* Gaza residents are forbidden to establish residency in the West Bank.
* West Bank residents are forbidden to establish residency in the Jordan valley, seam line communities or the villages of Beit Furik and Beit Dajan.
* Palestinians are forbidden to transfer merchandise and cargo through internal West Bank checkpoints.
Periodic prohibitions
* Residents of certain parts of the West Bank are forbidden to travel to the rest of the West Bank.
* People of a certain age group - mainly men from the age of 16 to 30, 35 or 40 - are forbidden to leave the areas where they reside (usually Nablus and other cities in the northern West Bank).
* Private cars may not pass the Swahara-Abu Dis checkpoint (which separates the northern and southern West Bank). This was cancelled for the first time two weeks ago under the easing of restrictions.
Travel permits required
* A magnetic card (intended for entrance to Israel, but eases the passage through checkpoints within the West Bank).
* A work permit for Israel (the employer must come to the civil administration offices and apply for one).
* A permit for medical treatment in Israel and Palestinian hospitals in East Jerusalem (The applicant must produce an invitation from the hospital, his complete medical background and proof that the treatment he is seeking cannot be provided in the occupied territories).
* A travel permit to pass through Jordan valley checkpoints.
* A merchant's permit to transfer goods.
* A permit to farm along the seam line requires a form from the land registry office, a title deed, and proof of first-degree relations to the registered property owner.
* Entry permit for the seam line (for relatives, medical teams, construction workers, etc. Those with permits must enter and leave via the same crossing even if it is far away or closing early).
* Permits to pass from Gaza, through Israel to the West Bank.
* A birth certificate for children under 16.
* A long-standing resident identity card for those who live in seam-line enclaves.
Checkpoints and barriers
* There were 75 manned checkpoints in the West Bank as of January 9, 2007.
* There are on average 150 mobile checkpoints a week (as of September 2006).
* There are 446 obstacles placed between roads and villages, including concrete cubes, earth ramparts, 88 iron gates and 74 kilometers of fences along main roads.
* There are 83 iron gates along the separation fence, dividing lands from their owners. Only 25 of the gates open occasionally.
Amira Hass writes for Ha'aretz. She is the author of Drinking the Sea at Gaza.

No checkpoints in heaven

No checkpoints in heaven Ramzy Baroud writing from the United States, Live from Palestine, 8 April 2008

The ongoing Palestinian story of separation: An Israeli soldier looks on as a newly-released Palestinian prisoner hugs her relative at an Israeli checkpoint at the entrance of the West Bank city of Tulkarem, January 2008. (Mouid Ashqar/MaanImages) I still vividly remember my father's face -- wrinkled, apprehensive, warm -- as he last wished me farewell 14 years ago. He stood outside the rusty door of my family's home in a Gaza refugee camp wearing old yellow pajamas and a seemingly ancient robe. As I hauled my one small suitcase into a taxi that would take me to an Israeli airport an hour away, my father stood still. I wished he would go back inside; it was cold and the soldiers could pop up at any moment. As my car moved on, my father eventually faded into the distance, along with the graveyard, the water tower and the camp. It never occurred to me that I would never see him again.I think of my father now as he was that day. His tears and his frantic last words: "Do you have your money? Your passport? A jacket? Call me the moment you get there. Are you sure you have your passport? Just check, one last time ..."My father was a man who always defied the notion that one can only be the outcome of his circumstance. Expelled from his village at the age of 10, running barefoot behind his parents, he was instantly transferred from the son of a landowning farmer to a penniless refugee in a blue tent provided by the United Nations in Gaza. Thus, his life of hunger, pain, homelessness, freedom-fighting, love, marriage and loss commenced.The fact that he was the one chosen to quit school to help his father provide for his now tent-dwelling family was a huge source of stress for him. In a strange, unfamiliar land, his new role was going into neighboring villages and refugee camps to sell gum, aspirin and other small items. His legs were a testament to the many dog bites he obtained during these daily journeys. Later scars were from the shrapnel he acquired through war.As a young man and soldier in the Palestinian unit of the Egyptian army, he spent years of his life marching through the Sinai desert. When the Israeli army took over Gaza following the Arab defeat in 1967, the Israeli commander met with those who served as police officers under Egyptian rule and offered them the chance to continue their services under Israeli rule. Proudly and willingly, my young father chose abject poverty over working under the occupier's flag. And for that, predictably, he paid a heavy price. His two-year-old son died soon after.My oldest brother is buried in the same graveyard that bordered my father's house in the camp. My father, who couldn't cope with the thought that his only son died because he couldn't afford to buy medicine or food, would be found asleep near the tiny grave all night, or placing coins and candy in and around it.My father's reputation as an intellectual, his obsession with Russian literature, and his endless support of fellow refugees brought him untold trouble with the Israeli authorities, who retaliated by denying him the right to leave Gaza.His severe asthma, which he developed as a teenager, was compounded by lack of adequate medical facilities. Yet, despite daily coughing streaks and constantly gasping for breath, he relentlessly negotiated his way through life for the sake of his family. On one hand, he refused to work as a cheap laborer in Israel. "Life itself is not worth a shred of one's dignity," he insisted. On the other, with all borders sealed except that with Israel, he still needed a way to bring in an income. He would buy cheap clothes, shoes, used TVs, and other miscellaneous goods, and find a way to transport and sell them in the camp. He invested everything he made to ensure that his sons and daughter could receive a good education, an arduous mission in a place like Gaza.But when the Palestinian uprising of 1987 exploded, and our camp became a battleground between stone-throwers and the Israeli army, mere survival became Dad's new obsession. Our house was the closest to the Red Square, arbitrarily named for the blood spilled there, and also bordered the "Martyrs' Graveyard." How can a father adequately protect his family in such surroundings? Israeli soldiers stormed our house hundreds of times; it was always him who somehow held them back, begging for his children's safety, as we huddled in a dark room awaiting our fate. "You will understand when you have your own children," he told my older brothers as they protested his allowing the soldiers to slap his face. Our "freedom-fighting" dad struggled to explain how love for his children could surpass his own pride. He grew in my eyes that day.It's been fourteen years since I last saw my father. As none of his children had access to isolated Gaza, he was left alone to fend for himself. We tried to help as much as we could, but what use is money without access to medicine? In our last talk he said he feared he would die before seeing my children, but I promised that I would find a way. I failed.Since the siege on Gaza, my father's life became impossible. His ailments were not "serious" enough for hospitals crowded with limb-less youth. During the most recent Israeli onslaught, most hospital spaces were converted to surgery wards, and there was no place for an old man like my dad. All attempts to transfer him to the better equipped West Bank hospitals failed as Israeli authorities repeatedly denied him the required permit."I am sick, son, I am sick," my father cried when I spoke to him two days before his death. He died alone on 18 March, waiting to be reunited with my brothers in the West Bank. He died a refugee, but a proud man nonetheless.My father's struggle began 60 years ago, and it ended a few days ago. Thousands of people descended to his funeral from throughout Gaza, oppressed people that shared his plight, hopes and struggles, accompanying him to the graveyard where he was laid to rest. Even a resilient fighter deserves a moment of peace.Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an author and editor of PalestineChronicle.com, where this essay was originally published. His work has been published in many newspapers and journals worldwide. His latest book is The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle (Pluto Press, London).

Israel was founded on terror

Israel Founded On Terror
Posted: 05 Apr 2008 03:00 PM CDT
By Rev Ted Pike
Zionist-dominated mainstream media vividly portrays Israel as a tiny embattled nation seeking peace in a sea of Arab hostility.1 Arabs, we are told, commit acts of terror while Israel only resorts to violence out of self-protection. The facts of history paint a very different picture.Far from deploring terror, Israel has sanctioned terror to seize and expand its territory since its beginnings. In 1944, Zionist leaders in Israel faced two alternatives. They could continue to allow the British and Arabs to occupy Palestine, who would continue to pressure Israel to concede a Palestinian state. Or they could drive both British and Arabs out. Israelis chose the latter.Members of the Zionist ruling elite and their clandestine terrorist enforcers–the Jewish Agency, Hagana, Irgun and the Stern Gang–began to exert every possible terrorist means to dominate Palestine . Their strategy was simple: the more respectable Zionist establishment would take the “high road” and officially disavow terrorism. Meanwhile, Zionist terrorists would commit any crime needed to disrupt British occupation and to panic Arabs into flight. The Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem, available in most university libraries, documents from British records more than five hundred violent or terrorist incidents against Palestinians and the British occupation between 1939 and 1948. These included bombings, booby traps and landmines, kidnappings and torture of prisoners, bank robberies, murders of Arabs, and assassinations of police and British officials.2Chief terrorists were David Ben-Gurion, Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir and later, Ariel Sharon. Begin headed Irgun, and Shamir led the Stern Gang. They cooperated intimately with the highest political body of the Zionist establishment, the Jewish Agency, and the popular Zionist resistance army, Hagana. Ben-Gurion headed Hagana and later the Jewish Agency.3After 1944–when Ben-Gurion formally rejected the British plan for partition of Palestine into Jewish/Arab states–most Israelis, particularly the young, favored expulsion of British and Arabs.Here is the short list of Zionist atrocities from 1944 to the present:
• Assassination of Lord Moyne on November 6, 1944 . Under orders from Yitzhak Shamir, terrorists of the Stern Gang shot Lord Moyne, British resident minister. Purpose: To drive the British from Palestine .
• The King David massacre, July 22, 1946. Begin’s Irgun terrorists, with encouragement from Ben-Gurion’s Hagana, blew up the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, murdering 92. Purpose: Destroy British records that proved the highest members of the Zionist government backed anti-British terrorism.4
• British sergeants hanged, July 12, 1947. Begin, Shamir, and Haganah authorized kidnapping and hanging of two British sergeants, booby trapping their bodies and mining the area. During this time, Shamir sent many letters and package bombs to British officials. 1947 also included multiple cases of kidnappings (including brutal floggings of British soldiers) by Jewish terrorists.
• The Semiramis Hotel massacre, January 5, 1948. Jewish Agency leader David Ben-Gurion and Haganah leaders blew up the Seramis Hotel in Jerusalem , killing 20 and wounding 17. Purpose: Terrorize Arabs into fleeing Israel .5
• Deir Yassin massacre, April 9, 1948 . Begin’s Irgun soldiers killed 250 sleeping Arab villagers at Deir Yassin, a suburb of Jerusalem . “25 pregnant women were bayoneted in their abdomens while still alive. 52 children were maimed under the eyes of their mothers and then were slain and their heads cut off.”6 “…Menachem Begin, the leader of the Irgun gang, himself admitted on December 28, 1950 in a press interview in New York, that the Deir Yassin incident had been carried out in accordance with an agreement between the Irgun and the Jewish Agency and Haganah.”7 Begin was always proud of what he had done, considering Deir Yassin a legitimate military target. Irgun trucks drove throughout Judea, announcing by loudspeaker to hundreds of thousands of Arabs that unless they fled Israel they would meet the same fate. Deir Yassin and subsequent terrorist acts precipitated flight of more than 800,000 Arabs from Palestine. In town after town Zionist soldiers drove Palestinians out, usually killing any person who delayed or attempted to take any possessions with them. Arab towns were bulldozed, replaced with Jewish communities.8 Begin comments on the level of Palestinian terror generated by Irgun’s massacre at Deir Yassin. “Out of evil, however, good came. This Arab propaganda spread a legend of terror amongst Arabs and Arab troops, who were seized with panic at the mention of Irgun soldiers. The legend was worth a dozen battalions to the forces of Israel .”9 Israel exiled these unfortunates to concentration camps in Lebanon, the West Bank, and Gaza, refusing to allow them repossession of their land and property or adequate compensation.10 This is the seminal cause of international Arab terrorism and the Mid-East conflict that rages today.
• Assassination of UN mediator Count Folke Bernadotte, September 17, 1948 . This killing by the Stern Gang was on orders of Shamir. Purpose: To sabotage UN efforts to create a Palestinian state.
• Massacre at Dawayma, October 29, 1948. Israeli soldiers killed between 80 and 100 men, women, and children in Dawayma, a suburb of Haifa. Purpose: Intensify terror generated by Deir Yassin and compel the remaining Palestinians to leave Israel.11
• Massacre at Kibya, October 14, 1953 . In an atrocity condoned by the highest levels of the Israeli government and military, Ariel Sharon led 700 crack paratroopers to attack the Jordanian town of Kibya . They slaughtered 75 innocent men, women, and children primarily by locking families in their homes and blowing them up.12 Purpose: Collective punishment to avenge the alleged killing of a single Jewish family.
• Massacre of Kafr Kassim, October 29, 1956. 51 men, women, and children were murdered by Israeli troops as they returned to their villages in the evening after work.13 more were severely wounded by the gunfire. Purpose: Terrorize Palestinians into not siding with Egypt in case of war. 13
• Massacre of USS Liberty, June 8, 1967. Israel ’s jet fighters and torpedo boats repeatedly attempted to sink US intelligence monitoring vessel USS Liberty during the 1967 Israel/Egypt war. They killed 34 and wounded 171 American sailors. Purpose: Minister of Defense Moshe Dayan ordered the attack ostensibly to protect Israel ’s intelligence communications, even though the war was virtually over.14
• Libyan airliner massacre, February 21, 1973. Straying over Israeli-controlled Sinai air space, a Libyan 727 commercial airliner was intercepted by Israeli fighters and, despite the clearest identification, shot down, killing 106. Purpose: Flexing Zionist power against Libya .15
• Massacre in Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, Beirut, Lebanon, September 23, 1982. Gen. Ariel Sharon and Yitshak Shamir, in cooperation with “Christian” Phalangist forces sealed all exits and provided aerial flares, illuminating the slaughter of up to 2,750 men, women, and children, according to a body count by the committee of the Red Cross. Purpose: collective punishment of Palestinians.16
What About Arab Terrorism?
It was inevitable that Zionism’s threatened and actual expulsion of Arabs from land the Arabs occupied from the seventh century should incur hostility – even terrorism. Jews of Hebron were massacred by Arabs in 1929. The Arab revolt in Palestine beginning in 1936 resulted in acts of violence against many Jews, followed by anti-Jewish mistreatment during the 1948 war. Suicide bombings and rocket attacks continue against Israel in recent years.Who is most at fault? Consider this: If someone, claiming divine right to occupy your house and land, drives you from them, condemning you and your children to a distant, arid concentration camp for generations, would you resort to violence?There is only one word that describes the one who displaced you. Aggressor. The Palestinians, fanatical and terrorist as many have become, are nevertheless defenders of ancient rights and territories that have been horrifically violated. They are victims hitting back.
Becoming “Civilized” Terrorists?
During the past 40 years, Israel’s continuing atrocities are justified as “collective punishment” of the Palestinian people. Israel’s attack on Lebanon in 1982, described by Israel as such punishment, killed over 19,000 innocent men, women and children. Under Sharon’s invasion of the West Bank under Sharon in 2002, whole villages were attacked with Hellfire missiles from Apache helicopters, with occupied homes shelled by tanks or bulldozed over. 4,185 Palestinian men were seized, beaten, jailed. The number of dead is still uncertain since Sharon would not allow western observers to document the aftermath.17 Israel’s present policies in the West Bank and Gaza, routinely killing large numbers of innocent men, women and children, remain full of atrocities. I have also written about one of the greatest atrocities Israel still indulges in: the systematic and fiendish torture of many thousands of Palestinian prisoners, incarcerated, most without trial, in Israeli prisons.18After leaders of the Third Reich committed atrocities against the Jews during World War II, they were tried, hanged and buried, both physically and under the contempt of humanity. The opposite happened to the bloody and arrogant terrorists of Israel. Ben-Gurion, Begin, Shamir, and Sharon were all elected to leadership of the nation. This reflected the anti-Palestinian, terrorism-friendly mentality of many Israeli voters.19 The Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem documents, from United Nations records, more than 650 attacks by Jewish settlers and the Israeli military against Arabs between 1948 and 1998.20Shamefully, evangelical Christians have given uninterrupted support to Israel’s terrorist leaders. Evangelicals believe God brought to birth the state of Israel by divine assistance at every stage. Actually, statehood (i.e. expulsion of the British and Arabs) was made possible by massacre – starting at Deir Yassin. Yet there has never been an atrocity in Israel searing enough to alienate Christian idealism, or even prompt criticism from major evangelical leaders. Dr. Jerry Falwell said Begin was a “man of God.” George Bush described Sharon as a “man of peace.”What kind of a god would establish a nation on terror? A god who is as evil as the devil.

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